The US: Not Merely Europe's Unwilling Partner, But Rather a Adversary Steeped in Far-Right Ideology
On the exact date Donald Trump received a tailor-made "award for peace" from his newest ally, FIFA president "Gianni" Infantino, his government published an equally flamboyant security policy document. This relatively short paper is saturated with the essence of Trump and Trumpism. It opens with the typically modest assertion that the president has brought back "our nation – and the world – back from the edge of catastrophe and disaster."
Even though the strategy largely formalizes the ongoing actions and rhetoric of Trump and his team, it must be taken as a serious caution for the international community, and for the European continent specifically.
A Strategy of Intervention and Civilizational Fear
The document espouses an assertive form of foreign-policy interference where the US clearly sets the goal of "promoting European strength." Its rhetoric could have been lifted straight from addresses by the Hungarian Prime Minister during the so-called migration emergency of 2015-16: "We want Europe to remain European, to regain its civilizational self-assurance." More worryingly, the document states that Europe's "financial downturn is eclipsed by the real and more stark possibility of civilizational erasure."
The entire section dedicated to Europe is imbued with generations of European far-right dogma and propaganda. The EU and its migration policies are held responsible for "changing the continent and causing conflict, suppression of free expression and stifling of political opposition, cratering birthrates, and loss of national identities and self-confidence." According to the document, if "current trajectories continue, the continent will be unrecognizable in 20 years or less. As such, it is far from obvious whether some European countries will have economic power and armed forces powerful enough to remain dependable allies." In fact, the Trump administration believes that "within a few decades at the latest, certain NATO members will become predominantly non-European."
"American diplomacy should continue to champion authentic democracy, free speech, and proud commemorations of European nations’ unique heritage and history."
Foundational Ideas of the Right-Wing
These points carry powerful echoes of two concepts regarded as core for modern far-right circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "Der Untergang des Abendlandes," whose argument on the cyclical decline of civilizations was used by the German far right to criticise the "decadence" and "enfeeblement" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "The Great Replacement," published in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who translated long-existing "native" fears into a more explicit conspiracy theory, alleging European elites of using immigration to substitute restive "native" populations and bring in a more submissive and dependent electorate.
It is the nativist fantasy encapsulated in both ideas that gives the Trump administration the authority, if not the duty, to interfere in European affairs, the document suggests. And it is clear where it sees its allies: "America urges its ideological partners in Europe to advance this resurgence of national spirit, and the increasing influence of nationalist European parties in fact gives cause for great optimism."
The Goal: "Make Europe Great Again"
In other words, the US believes that it is key to its national security to "Restore European strength," and that the European far right is the only political force that can achieve this. Consequently, its "overarching strategy for Europe" focuses on "cultivating opposition to Europe’s present path within European nations" – meaning the far right – and "strengthening the robust nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – in particular "nations in agreement that want to restore their former greatness" – a clear reference to Hungary and Italy.
While the document stays unclear on implementation, it is apparent that a key aim is to push Europe to adopt a radical policy on freedom of speech, closer to the US model – particularly regarding far-right speech – and not limited to social media. Another is to normalise relations with Russia; or, as the document calls it, to "reestablish strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not directly called a future ally, the Trump administration evidently does not treat Russia as an enemy either.
An Ideological Precedent: The Monroe Doctrine
In a broader sense, the national security strategy takes its inspiration less from the idealized US of the 1950s and more from the 1823 policy of 1823. Articulated by President James Monroe, this cautioned European powers not to interfere in the "western hemisphere," which he declared to be the US’s sphere of interest. The Trump administration’s policy document promises to "assert and enforce a Trump corollary" to the Monroe Doctrine, which entails the US "enlisting" countries worldwide that wish to help protect US national interests.
None of this is entirely new – consider JD Vance’s speech at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president launched an ideological attack on Europe’s democratic model. But maybe now that it is laid out in an formal document, European leaders will finally understand that the stance is serious. And if the document is too long or vague for them, it can be condensed in plain and succinct terms: the current US government holds that its national security is best served by the demise of liberal democracy in Europe. To put it bluntly, the US is not only an unwilling ally; it is a deliberate adversary. Now is time to act accordingly.